By James R. Flynn
Past Patriotism argues that a few thousands of usa citizens became “post-national” those who placed the nice of humanity sooner than patriotism or nationwide honour. It discusses the choices that disenchanted them from the Vietnamese battle, to the try to placed Pol Pot again into strength, to the sanctions opposed to Iraq. instead of lamenting the heyday of patriotism, post-national humans may still congratulate themselves on reaching ethical adulthood. they need to make clear their puzzling over why nationalism is bankrupt, what americans should still do to pacify the realm, what they owe to their homeland, and what they owe to themselves.
- Kevin Clements, Secretary normal overseas Peace examine organization (2008-2010)
"Flynn sees that 'Love of One's Country’ is a deadly factor and argues convincingly for what he calls post-national humanism. this can be a publication that should be learn through somebody desirous about making a extra simply and peaceable international within the twenty first century."
- Jeremy Waldron, Chichele Professor, Oxford University
"I don't be aware of of from now on measured mirrored image on those harmful concerns, patriotism, nationalism, and their position in an expanding afflicted international, than Jim Flynn’s newest paintings. it truly is compelling, the extra so since it is trained by means of a good account of his personal lifestyles and his personal love of the nations that experience shaped his identity."
- Ramesh Thakur, United countries Assistant Secretary-General (1998-2007)
"In this painfully sincere appraisal of the united states position in international affairs, James Flynn employs a post-nationalist lens to argue that involved voters must never exempt their very own nation from serious ethical scrutiny and judgment. the result's an illuminating and interesting research of a few of the main major and contentious modern issues."
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Extra resources for Beyond Patriotism: From Truman to Obama (1st Edition)
He said: “Gentlemen do not read each other’s mail” (Stimson & Bundy, 1948, p. 188). His own position throughout the debate is the best account of the pro-bomb argument. Stimson hoped to avoid an invasion of the Japanese home islands. It would entail “an Okinawa” (America lost over 7,000 dead taking this small island) from one end of Japan to the other, that is, an appalling total of dead and wounded on both sides. If an invasion was to be avoided, Japan would have to be shocked into surrendering.
Until 1955, during nine years of negotiations, Russia refused to concede the possibility that bombs might be treacherously concealed after a disarmament agreement, or that fissionable material which could be quickly converted to military use posed a similar problem (Barnet, 1960). Khrushchev’s about face in 1955 did seem to mark the beginning of a sane attitude towards inspection, although it left the amount of inspection that Russia was ready to accept somewhat vague (Barnet, 1960). It is questionable how serious Khrushchev was because he tied his plan to a demand for immediate liquidation of all America’s foreign bases (Carey, 1962).
The Marshall Plan, the Berlin crisis, the formation of the opposing alliances of NATO and the Warsaw pact, and the West’s cooption of West Germany were inevitable. The atomic bomb would have been dropped and the nuclear arms race would occurred. Given the awful power of the bomb, and two nations with innumerable points of tension, when in human history would this have led to a successful consummation of disarmament negotiations? I hope no one will name the naval treaty of 1922 that limited the size of the navies of Britain, America, Japan, France, and Italy.
Beyond Patriotism: From Truman to Obama (1st Edition) by James R. Flynn